Theodore Roosevelt: “Our men should act together and should consult one another freely Charts the Course of a New Political Party”

He charts the course of what a new political party should look like, a lesson in politics and strategy

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“We should go good-humoredly ahead with our own organization as a separate distinct National party.”

 

This letter was obtained by us directly from the recipient’s family and has never before been offered for sale

During his campaign for the presidency in 1904, Theodore Roosevelt publicly resolved not to run in 1908;...

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Theodore Roosevelt: “Our men should act together and should consult one another freely Charts the Course of a New Political Party”

He charts the course of what a new political party should look like, a lesson in politics and strategy

“We should go good-humoredly ahead with our own organization as a separate distinct National party.”

 

This letter was obtained by us directly from the recipient’s family and has never before been offered for sale

During his campaign for the presidency in 1904, Theodore Roosevelt publicly resolved not to run in 1908; instead, he supported his secretary of war, William Howard Taft, as the Republican nominee. Taft was elected president in 1908, but his conservative politics led to a falling out with Roosevelt, who decided to return to the political arena in order to oppose his former ally. In the 1912 election, therefore, it was Roosevelt who accepted the nomination of the newly formed Progressive Party. Progressives held a convention in Chicago that was populated by dedicated reformers who wanted to radically remake America. Their numbers included suffragettes, social workers, urban planners, conservationists, labor activists, political reformers, and idealists of all strains. Neither the candidate nor the platform let them down. The platform and Roosevelt also called for the reform of political parties to make them more accountable to the people and less beholden to special interests.

The Progressive Party platform stated, “This country belongs to the people who inhabit it. Its resources, its business, its institutions and its laws should be utilized, maintained or altered in whatever manner will best promote the general interest…Instead of instruments to promote the general welfare, they have become the tools of corrupt interests which use them impartially to serve their selfish purposes. Behind the ostensible government sits enthroned an invisible government, owing no allegiance and acknowledging no responsibility to the people…To destroy this invisible government, to dissolve the unholy alliance between corrupt business and corrupt politics is the first task of the statesmanship of the day.”

The platform declared for direct primaries for the nomination of state and national officers, for nation-wide preferential primaries for candidates for the presidency, for the direct election of United States senators by the people, and initiative, referendum and recall of officeholders. Further, it called for legislation looking to the prevention of industrial accidents, occupational diseases, overwork, involuntary unemployment, and other injurious effects incident to modern industry; the fixing of minimum safety and health standards for the various occupations, and the exercise of the public authority of state and nation including the federal control over interstate commerce and the taxing power; the prohibition of child labor; minimum wage standards for working women, to provide a living scale in all industrial occupations; the protection of home life against the hazards of sickness, irregular employment and old age through the adoption of a system of social insurance adapted to American use; and establishing continuation schools for industrial education under public control and encouraging agricultural education and demonstration in rural schools. It was in favor the organization of the workers, men and women, as a means of protecting their interests and of promoting their progress, thus favoring unions. It demanded equal suffrage for women, and under TR’s influence, contained trust-busting provisions.

In the end, Roosevelt fell far of winning, drawing 27%, of the vote to Wilson’s 42%, but ahead of Taft’s 23%. Roosevelt received 88 electoral votes compared to 435 for Wilson and 8 for Taft. This was nonetheless the best showing by any third party since the modern two-party system was established in 1864. Roosevelt was the only third-party candidate to out poll a candidate of an established party. This mainly positive showing led Progressive Party leaders to look to the future, and they hoped to do well in the 1914 Congressional elections. TR became a thorn in Wilson’s side, and Progressives contested 138 Congressional districts, candidates being women as well as men. However, just 5 were elected, and almost half the candidates failed to get more than 10% of the vote. The Progressive Party disappeared into history, and when in 1916 the Republicans nominated the progressive-leaning Charles Evans Hughes, TR supported him. Roosevelt never renounced his progressive credentials, but then turned his attention to advocating American involvement in World War I.

William Hinebaugh was chairman of the Republican Party in Illinois, but switched to the [Progressive] Bull Moose Party in 1912 when his friend, Theodore Roosevelt, split with the Republican Party. It was on the Progressive Party ticket that Hinebaugh was elected to the 63rd U.S. Congress from the 12th Illinois District, where he served one term, 1913-1915. Victor Murdock was a Representative from Kansas. He was a loyal Progressive and would be elected as chairman of the Progressive Party in 1914 and 1916. In 1916, when Theodore Roosevelt refused to run, the Progressive Party nominated Murdock for president, but he did not appear on the ballot. Irvine Lenroot, William Kent, and Ira Copley were Republicans supportive of the Progressive agenda.

Typed letter signed, on his Outlook letterhead, New York, March 19, 1913, to Hinebaugh, about running a Progressive for Speaker of the House. “Good for you! I am more than pleased with what you have done. It would be an admirable thing to run Victor Murdock as our candidate for the Speakership, and I hope that, as you have suggested to him, he will announce himself as willing to accept the nomination of the Progressives for this position. Then I think it would be a good thing for the Progressive Party that our men should act together and should consult one another freely, and in addition that they should keep in the closest touch with near-Progressives like [Irvine] Lenroot, Kent, [Ira] Copley and others, so as to act substantially on the same lines, with the idea that they may ultimately join with us. We should be just as nice as possible with these near-Progressives, but at the same time we should go good humoredly ahead with our own organization as a separate distinct National party. Don’t you think this is sound?

“Whenever you can get on here I hope you will not fail to let me know, as I should much like to have you out at Oyster Bay to lunch, and go over the whole situation with you in detail.”

This letter was obtained by us directly from Congressman Hinebaugh’s descendants and has never before been offered for sale.

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